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The Madhyama Āgama (Middle-Length Discourses) Volume I

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THE MADHYAMA ĀGAMA (MIDDLE-LENGTH DISCOURSES) VOLUME I

Front Matters

BDK English Tripiṭaka Series THE MADHYAMA ĀGAMA

(MIDDLE-LENGTH DISCOURSES) VOLUME I

(Taishō Volume 1, Number 26) Marcus Bingenheimer, Editor in Chief Bhikkhu Anālayo and

Roderick S. Bucknell, Co-Editors Bukkyo Dendo Kyokai America, Inc. 2013

Copyright © 2013 by BukkyōDendōKyōkai and BDK America, Inc.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transcribed in any form or by any means —electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise— without the prior written permission of the publisher. Third Printing, 2016

ISBN: 978-1-886439-47-4

Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 2013943512 Published by

BDK America, Inc.

1675 School Street

Moraga, California 94556

Printed in the United States of America

A Message on the Publication of the

English Tripiṭaka

The Buddhist canon is said to contain eighty-four thousand different teachings. I believe that this is because the Buddha's basic approach was to prescribe a different treatment for every spiritual ailment, much as a doctor prescribes a different medicine for every medical ailment. Thus his teachings were always appropriate for the particular suffering individual and for the time at which the teaching was given, and over the ages not one of his prescriptions has failed to relieve the suffering to which it was addressed.

Ever since the Buddha's Great Demise over twenty-five hundred years ago, his message of wisdom and compassion has spread throughout the world. Yet no one has ever attempted to translate the entire Buddhist canon into English throughout the history of Japan. It is my greatest wish to see this done and to make the translations available to the many English-speaking people who have never had the opportunity to learn about the Buddha's teachings. Of course, it would be impossible to translate all of the Buddha's eightyfour thousand teachings in a few years. I have, therefore, had one hundred thirtynine of the scriptural texts in the prodigious Taishō edition of the Chinese Buddhist canon selected for inclusion in the First Series of this translation project. It is in the nature of this undertaking that the results are bound to be criticized. Nonetheless, I am convinced that unless someone takes it upon himself or herself to initiate this project, it will never be done. At the same time, I hope that an improved, revised edition will appear in the future.

It is most gratifying that, thanks to the efforts of more than a hundred Buddhist scholars from the East and the West, this monumental project has finally gotten off the ground. May the rays of the Wisdom of the CompassionateOne reach each and every person in the world.

NUMATAYehan

Founder of the English

August 7, 1991 Tripiṭaka Project

Editorial Foreword

In January 1982, Dr. NUMATAYehan, the founder of Bukkyo Dendo Kyokai (Society for the Promotion of Buddhism), decided to begin the monumental task of translating the complete Taishō edition of the Chinese Tripiṭaka (Buddhist canon) into the English language. Under his leadership, a special preparatory committee was organized in April 1982. By July of the same year, the Translation Committee of the English Tripiṭaka was officially convened. The initial Committee consisted of the following members: (late) HANAYAMA Shōyū (Chairperson), (late) BANDŌShōjun, ISHIGAMIZennō, (late) KAMATA Shigeo, (late) KANAOKAShūyū, MAYEDASengaku, NARAYasuaki, (late) SAYEKI Shinkō, (late) SHIOIRIRyōtatsu, TAMARUNoriyoshi, (late) TAMURAKwansei, URYŪZURyūshin, and YUYAMAAkira. Assistant members of the Committee were as follows: KANAZAWAAtsushi, WATA NABEShōgo, Rolf Giebel of New Zealand, and Rudy Smet of Belgium.

After holding planning meetings on a monthly basis, the Committee selected one hundred thirty-nine texts for the First Series of translations, an estimated one hundred printed volumes in all. The texts selected are not necessarily limited to those originally written in India but also include works written or composed in China and Japan. While the publication of the First Series proceeds, the texts for the Second Series will be selected from among the remaining works; this process will continue until all the texts, in Japanese as well as in Chinese, have been published.

Frankly speaking, it will take perhaps one hundred years or more to accomplish the English translation of the complete Chinese and Japanese texts, for they consist of thousands of works. Nevertheless, as Dr. NUMATAwished, it is the sincere hope of the Committee that this project will continue unto completion, even after all its present members have passed away.

Dr. NUMATApassed away on May 5, 1994, at the age of ninety-seven, entrusting his son, Mr. NUMATAToshihide, with the continuation and completion of the Translation Project. The Committee also lost its able and devoted Chairperson, vii

Publisher’s Foreword

Editorial Foreword

Professor HANAYAMAShōyū, on June 16, 1995, at the age of sixty-three. After these severe blows, the Committee elected me, then Vice President of Musashino Women's College, to be the Chair in October 1995. The Committee has renewed its determination to carry out the noble intention of Dr. NUMATA, under the leadership of Mr. NUMATAToshihide. The present members of the Committee are MAYEDASengaku (Chairperson), ICHISHIMAShōshin, ISHIGAMIZennō, KATSURAShōryū, NAMAIChishō, NARA Yasuaki, SAITŌAkira, SHIMODAMasahiro, Kenneth K. Tanaka, WATANABEShōgo, and YONEZAWAYoshiyasu.

The Numata Center for Buddhist Translation and Research was established in November 1984, in Berkeley, California, U.S.A., to assist in the publication of the BDK English Tripiṭaka First Series. The Publication Committee was organized at the Numata Center in December 1991. In 2010, the Numata Center's operations were merged into Bukkyo Dendo Kyokai America, Inc. (BDK America) and BDK America continues to oversee the English Tripiṭaka project in close cooperation with the Editorial Committee in Tokyo. MAYEDASengaku

Chairperson

Editorial Committee of

the BDK English Tripiṭaka

viii

Publisher's Foreword

On behalf of the members of the Publication Committee, I am happy to present this volume as the latest contribution to the BDK English Tripiṭaka Series. The Publication Committee members have worked to ensure that this volume, as all other volumes in the series, has gone through a rigorous process of editorial efforts. The initial translation and editing of the Buddhist scriptures found in this and other BDK English Tripiṭaka volumes are performed under the direction of the Editorial Committee in Tokyo, Japan. Both the Editorial Committee in Tokyo and the Publication Committee, headquartered in Berkeley, California, are dedicated to the production of accurate and readable English translations of the Buddhist canon. In doing so, the members of both committees and associated staff work to honor the deep faith, spirit, and concern of the late Reverend Dr. Yehan Numata, who founded the BDK English Tripiṭaka Series in order to disseminate the Buddhist teachings throughout the world. The long-term goal of our project is the translation and publication of the texts in the one hundred-volume Taishō edition of the Chinese Buddhist canon, along with a number of influential extracanonical Japanese Buddhist texts. The list of texts selected for the First Series of this translation project may be found at the end of each volume in the series.

As Chair of the Publication Committee, I am deeply honored to serve as the fifth person in a post previously held by leading figures in the field of Buddhist studies, most recently by my predecessor, John R. McRae.

In conclusion, I wish to thank the members of the Publication Committee for their dedicated and expert work undertaken in the course of preparing this volume for publication: Senior Editor Marianne Dresser, Dr. Hudaya Kandahjaya, Dr. Carl Bielefeldt, Dr. Robert Sharf, and Rev. Brian Kensho Nagata, President of BDK America.

A. Charles Muller

Chairperson

Publication Committee

Contents A Message on the Publication of the English Tripiṭaka NUMATAYehan v Editorial Foreword MAYEDASengaku vii Publisher's Foreword A. Charles Muller ix Introduction Marcus Bingenheimer xv Abbreviations xxviii The Madhayama Āgama (Middle-length Discourses), Volume I Division 1. On Sets of Seven Translated by Bhikkhu Anālayo 1. The Discourse on Wholesome Qualities 3 2. The Discourse on the Coral Tree 8 3. The Discourse with the Parable of the [Border] Town 4. The Discourse with the Water Parable 5. The Discourse with the Parable of the Heap of Wood 6. The Discourse on the Destination of a Good Person 7. The Discourse on [Sources of] Worldly Merit 8. The Discourse on Seven Suns 9. The Discourse on Seven Chariots 10. The Discourse on the Cessation of Taints Division 2. On Karma Translated by Kin-Tung Yit 11. The Discourse with the Parable [of the Ounce] of Salt 12. The Discourse to Vappa 13. The Discourse on [Tenets to Be] Transcended 14. The Discourse to Rāhula 15. The Discourse on Intention 16. The Discourse to the Kālāmas 10 17

Contents 17. The Discourse to Gāmaṇi 18. The Discourse to Sīha 19. The Discourse to the Nigaṇṭhas 20. The Discourse to Pāṭaliya Division 3. Sāriputta Translated by William Chu 21. The Discourse on an Even Mind 22. The Discourse on Perfecting the Precepts 23. The Discourse on Wisdom 24. The Discourse on the "Lion's Roar" of Sāriputta 25. The Discourse with Parables Relating to Water 26. The Discourse to the Gulissāni 27. The Discourse to Dhānañjāni 28. The Discourse on Teaching the Ill [Anāthapiṇḍika] 29. The Discourse by Mahā Koṭṭhita 30. The Discourse with the Parable of the Elephant's Footprint 31. The Discourse on Discerning the Noble Truths Division 4. On Extraordinary Qualities Translated by Teng Weijen 32. The Discourse on Extraordinary Qualities [of the Buddha] 33. The Discourse on [How Ānanda Became] the Attendant 34. The Discourse by Bakkula 35. The Discourse to the Asura 36. The Discourse on Earthquakes 37. The Discourse at Campā 38. The [First] Discourse to the Householder Ugga 39. The [Second] Discourse to the Householder Ugga 40. The Discourse to the Householder Hatthaka 41. The Discourse on the Householder Hatthaka Division 5. On Conditions Translated by Marcus Bingenheimer 42. The Discourse on "What is the Purpose?" 43. The Discourse on No [Need for] Thought 44. The Discourse on Mindfulness 45. The [First] Discourse on Shame and Scruples 96 101 108 122 141 146 152 160 166 170 176 188 201 218 234 247 257 271 275 281 286 292 300 306 316 319 321 322 323 xii

Contents 46. The [Second] Discourse on Shame and Scruples 47. The [First] Discourse on the Precepts 48. The [Second] Discourse on the Precepts 49. The [First] Discourse on Respect 50. The [Second] Discourse on Respect 51. The Discourse on the Beginning 52. The [First] Discourse on Nutriments 53. The [Second] Discourse on Nutriments 324 326 326 327 328 329 332 339 54. The Discourse on [Attaining the] Wisdom of Cessation [of the Taints] 343 55. The Discourse on Nirvana 56. The Discourse to Meghiya 57. The Discourse Spoken for the Monks 346 349 354 Division 6. On Kings Translated by Shi Chunyin (Fascicles 11-13) and Kuan Tse-fu (Fascicles 14-16) 58. The Discourse on the Seven Treasures 59. The Discourse on the Thirty-two Marks 60. The Discourse on the Four Continents 61. The Discourse with the Cow Dung Parable 62. The Discourse on King Bimbisāra Meeting the Buddha 63. The Discourse at Vebhaḷiṅga 64. The Discourse on the Divine Messengers 65. The Discourse with the Raven Parable 66. The Discourse on Origins 67. The Discourse on Mahādeva's Mango Grove 68. The Discourse on Mahāsudassana 69. The Discourse with the Thirty Analogies 70. The Discourse on the Wheel-turning Monarch 71. The Discourse to Pāyāsi 359 360 365 373 379 387 407 422 432 447 462 477 483 505 Notes 541 Bibliography 557 Index 565 A List of the Volumes of the BDK English Tripiṭaka (First Series) 589 xiii

Introduction

To translate is to explain.

—Sengyou (445-518)

The Zhong ahan jing(Skt. Madhyamāgama,T. 26), which is translated here, is one of the four major canonical collections of early Buddhist sutras preserved in Chinese.

2 The sutras grouped in this collection were deemed to be of "middle length" (Ch. zhong, Skt. madhyama:"middle"). The Chinese Ahan (Skt. Āgama) collections correspond to the better-known Nikāyas of the Pāli canon. While the latter texts (the Dīghanikāya, Majjhimanikāya, Saṃyuttanikāya,and Aṅguttara nikāya) have long been available in English translation, none of the equally important Āgamas has so far been rendered into English, or indeed any Western language. 3 The Āgamas and Nikāyas constitute the Sūtra-piṭaka4 for the northern and southern transmission5 of Buddhism respectively, and they are the primary sources for what we know about early Buddhist doctrine. They remain of immense importance for the study and practice of Buddhism in both academic and religious contexts. With this translation we aim to make accessible another important witness, a view back onto the earliest period of the Buddhist tradition. In the following I will outline the development of the text translated here, from its beginning in the oral tradition, through its Indian and Chinese "incarnations, " up to the present English translation. Our focus will be on the history of the text. For summaries and discussions of the content of individual sutras, the reader should refer to the works by Minh Chau and Bhikkhu Anālayo cited below. Āgamas and Nikāyas

It is not yet possible to give a comprehensive account of how exactly the Āgamas relate to the Nikāya corpus; the general outline, however, is clear. The four Āgamas, all of which are now preserved intact only in Chinese, represent portions of the Sūtra-piṭakas of various northern schools of Buddhism, which were transmitted in various Indian dialects and then made their way to the Buddhist xv

Introduction

kingdoms of Central Asia and along the Silk Road into China. The Nikāyas contain the sutra texts of the southern tradition that were transmitted to Sri Lanka and preserved in the Pāli canon, whose formative period was from the first century B.C.E.to the fifth century C.E.

Regarding the relationship between the Zhong ahan jing and the Majjhima nikāya,Minh Chau's groundbreaking 1964 study, The Chinese Madhyama Āgama and the Pāli Majjhima Nikāya(Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1991, reprint), describes a number of differences in doctrinal and narrative content.

6 Bhikkhu Anālayo's A Comparative Study of the Majjhima-nikāya (Taipei: Dharma Drum Publishing, 2011) discusses in great detail all Chinese parallels to the sutras of the Majjhimanikāya,many of which are represented in our translation. In the course of his research Bhikkhu Anālayo has also translated and discussed a large number of sutras from the Zhong ahan jing. In view of the extent of his contribution, the relevant citations are listed in an addendum to the bibliography.

As the translation work for this volume has shown again and again, comparison with the Pāli versions is often essential for an understanding of difficult passages. Although most Āgama sutras preserved in Chinese do have counterparts in the Pāli canon and vice versa, they are frequently found in different collections. According to Akanuma Chizen's catalogue, Kanpa shibu shiagon goshōroku—The Comparative Catalogue of Chinese Āgamas and Pāli Nikāyas(Nagoya: Hajinkakushobō, 1929), of the two hundred and twenty-two sutras of T. 26, only one hundred and three have their counterpart in the Majjhimanikāya; fourteen have their counterpart in the Dīghanikāya, seventeen in the Saṃyuttanikāya,and eighty-seven in the Aṅguttaranikāya. 7

Fourteen of the two hundred and twenty-two sutras of T. 26 have no known parallel in the Pāli corpus.

Madhyamāgama(s)

After the death of the founder, Buddhist texts were transmitted orally in Middle Indo-Aryan dialects (Prakrits). While the southern tradition eventually settled on one of these dialects, Pāli, as its canonical language, in India and Central Asia Buddhist texts were successively Sanskritized and/or translated into other languages such as Chinese, Tokharian, Khotanese, Sogdian, and Tibetan.

8 Also, new Buddhist texts in India, from at least the third century xvi

Introduction

onward, were directly composed in standard Sanskrit. Manuscripts from the northern tradition, especially those of Central Asian provenance, are therefore often in Prakrit (especially Gāndhārī)9 or some nonstandard form of Sanskrit, sometimes called Buddhist Sanskrit, an intermediate stage between some Prakrit and standard Sanskrit.

Unfortunately, we do not have a complete Madhyamāgamain either Sanskrit or Prakrit. Only for the Dīrghāgamado we have a (largely) complete Indic manuscript;10 for the other three collections there are only numerous manuscript fragments containing sometimes one or more sutras but more commonly only a few lines of text. These fragments stem from different periods and locations. As yet there is no combined edition of this material for any Āgama, nor is there general bibliographic overview. For the Madhyamāgama, however, Jin-il Chung and Takamichi Fukita have catalogued all available Sanskrit fragments in A Survey of the Sanskrit Fragments Corresponding to the Chinese Madhyamagama, Including References to Sanskrit Parallels, Citations, Numerical Categories of Doctrinal Concepts, and Stock Phrases(Tokyo: Sankibo, 2011).

As with most other long texts that have been transmitted orally, and since the first century B.C.E.with the support of writing, we have to assume that no two instances of a text were ever fully identical, even though the Indian oral tradition is known for preserving texts over long periods with very little variation.

12 If nothing else, the fact that the Madhyamāgamaand

the Majjhima nikāyashare only about one hundred sutras out of two hundred and twenty-two (MĀ) and one hundred and fifty-two (MN), shows that the Āgamas/ Nikāyas as collections were still in flux for a considerable time. In their current form the collections can be attested to the fourth to fifth centuries. Only for the period since the translation into Chinese in the north (fourth century C.E.) and Buddhaghosa's commentaries in Sri Lanka (fifth century C.E.) can we be confident that the gestalt of the four major sutra collections has remained more or less unchanged. Generally, it is only after that time that it is possible to date further changes in either tradition. 13

The Sanskritized texts circulating in Central Asia continued to evolve after the fifth century, as is evident from the differences between later Sanskrit remains and the Chinese versions, but owing to the fragmentary nature of the Sanskrit materials our knowledge about these changes is extremely limited. 14

xvii

Introduction

The picture that emerges when the Sanskrit fragments are compared with the Chinese and Pāli versions is that several versions of the texts collected in the Āgamas/Nikāyas did exist between the first century B.C.E.and the fourth century C.E.During this time, when the oral tradition began to be supported by writing in both the northern and southern traditions, each document instance would have differed slightly, reflecting school affiliation, local traditions, linguistic environment, nonstandardized scripts, or any combination of these factors. Moreover, the manuscript evidence shows that some sutras contained in the Āgamas/Nikāyas circulated independently as well, a fact that is also borne out by the many instances of individual translations of Āgama/Nikāya sutras available in Chinese.

To illustrate the situation with one example: the Shansheng jing(sutra 135 of T. 26) exists in a cluster with at least thirteen other instances of the text: the Siṅgālovāda-suttaof the Dīghanikāya(DN, no. 31), the Shansheng jing of the Chinese Dīrghāgama(T. 1, no.16), the various Sanskrit fragments of the Śikhālaka-sūtra, two other individual Chinese translations (T. 16 and T. 17), and a quotation in the Mahākarma-vibhaṅga.

15 There exist complex

stemmatic relationships among these texts, which—as for most sutra clusters—have not yet been clarified and perhaps will never be. We are therefore faced with the fact that the collection of sutras translated in this volume is but one witness that has survived and attained prominence, like a snapshot of the development of the text taken at a certain time at a certain place. The composition of the text is therefore to a degree arbitrary, in the sense that T. 26 would in all likelihood have looked rather different if the Chinese translation had been done earlier, or later, or from a version of another school. In this light, the statement "the Majjhimanikāyahas one hundred and fifty-two sutras and the Madhyamāgamatwo hundred and twentytwo" loses some of its apodictic edge. It so happened that the Majjhima nikāyafound closure with one hundred and fifty-two sutras, while incidentally the only surviving Madhyamāgama(preserved in Chinese as T. 26) found closure with two hundred and twenty-two sutras.

This angle is emphasized here because all too often doctrinal statements are made on the basis of a single passage in a single instance of a text. To remember that some randomness is part of tradition does not amount to relativism or to the belief that there is no message at all in these texts; it means, xviii

Introduction

rather, that there is no final authoritative foundation on which to build one's argument beyond the multiplicity and careful navigation of the text-clusters. Before I turn to the translation of the Madhyamāgamainto Chinese and the history of the Chinese text, a few remarks regarding the language of the source text for T. 26 are in order. P. V. Bapat ("Chinese Madhyamāgama and the Language of its Basic Text,

" in B. P. Sinha, ed., Dr. Satkari Mookerji

Felicitation Volume,pp. 1-6 [Varanasi: Chowkhamba Publications, 1969]) compares certain passages of T. 26 with the Pāli and with a Sanskritized version of the verses of Upāli. He gives a number of examples showing that the source text for T. 26 was identical neither with the Pāli nor with the Sanskritized version. Regarding the original idiom, he concludes that it was "some form of Prakrit closer to Pāli, or some imperfect or corrupt form of a language using Sanskrit orthography but dominated by Prakrit grammar. "

Oskar von Hinüber ("Upāli's Verses in the Majjhimanikāyaand the Madhya māgama,

" in L.A. Hercus, ed., Indological and Buddhist Studies, Volume in Honour of Professor J. W. de Jong on his 60th Birthday,pp. 250f [Canberra: Faculty of Asian Studies 1982]), while not citing Bapat, compares some of the same passages in their Pāli, Sanskrit, and Chinese versions. Independently, he too finds that the source text for T. 26 was in nonstandard Sanskrit. More precisely, he concludes that T. 26 was translated from a text that had passed through a Gāndhārī stage and was in the process of being Sanskritized.

On the basis of this and other research findings, Ernst Waldschmidt ("Central Asian Sūtra Fragments and their Relation to the Chinese Āgamas, "

in H. Bechert, ed., The Language of the Earliest Buddhist Tradition[Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1980], p. 137) summarizes:

[T]he Ch'

ang-a-han-ching(Chang ahan jing) as well as the Tseng-ia-han-ching(Zengyi ahan jing) have been recognized as obviously not translated from the Sanskrit, but from some Middle Indic or mixed dialect of Prakrit with Sanskrit elements.

This conclusion has been corroborated by our own observations made during the process of translation into English. That the language of the original text was not standard Sanskrit is evident from many transcriptions of names. For instance, the name transcribed in T. 26 as A li tuo16 (Pāli Ariṭṭha) cannot xix

Introduction

have already been fully Sanskritized to Ariṣṭa, since the Chinese transcription includes no character representing a sibilant. This is in contrast to the transcription A li se tuo17 used for the same name in the Chinese Saṃyuktāgama (T. 99).

From Madhyamāgama

to Zhong ahan jing

The Madhyamāgamawas translated into Chinese twice. The earliest information concerning the history of these translations is preserved in the Chu sanzang jiji,a collection of records concerning early Buddhist texts in China by Sengyou (445-518). The Chu sanzang jijipreserves a preface (or possibly a postscript) to T. 26 written by the monk Daoci (fl. 398), 18 who himself participated in the second translation. The First Translation by Dharmanandin and Zhu Fonian

From the preface to the Ekottarikāgamawritten by Dao'an (314-385), we learn that the monk Dharmanandin arrived in Chang'an in 384, having traveled along the Silk Road from Tocharistan (Bactria), which is located between the Pamir Mountains and the Hindu Kush. Most travelers who took the land route from India to China had to pass through Bactria and it therefore played an important role in the transmission of Buddhism. 19 Dharmanandin

had memorized a Madhyamāgamaand an Ekottarikāgama,two large collections that had never been translated. Chang'an was at that time both a center of political power and a stronghold of Buddhism. Supported by the ruler Fu Jian (337-385) and members of the gentry, for some years Buddhism found a safe haven there at a time when most of northern China was in constant upheaval. The famous Dao'an, who organized many translation teams, and Zhu Fonian (fl. 365-410), who was one of the few fully bilingual Chinese monks in Buddhist translation history, were residing in Chang'an at the time Dharma nandin arrived. Soon Dharmanandin was asked to recite both of the Āgamas he had memorized, and Zhu Fonian translated them into Chinese. The Chinese monk Huisong served as scribe and recorded what Zhu Fonian dictated. In this role Huisong probably exercised considerable influence on the final wording of the text. This collaboration lasted from the summer of 384 to the xx

Introduction

spring of 385 and the task was probably completed, since a number of catalogue records speak of a Zhong ahan jingin fifty-nine fascicles. 20 However,

in the fall of 385, Fu Jian was killed in the aftermath of his defeat in the battle of Fei River and the Chang'an region descended into chaos. It became impossible for the monks to continue their work there. To make matters worse, Dao'an, the group's mentor, had died in the spring of 385. Shortly before his death he had written a preface to the newly translated Zhong ahan jing,which unfortunately has not survived.

21 After Dao'an's death and in view of the

deteriorating situation in the Chang'an region, the group of translators dispersed. Dharmanandin returned to the "Western Regions" and we hear no more of him.

The translation produced by Dharmanandin, Zhu Fonian, and Huisong was eventually superseded by a new translation produced by Saṅghadeva and his team just thirteen years later. According to Kōgen Mizuno, twentyfour sutras of the first translation have survived and were preserved as individual texts, which were never recognized as one distinct group by the catalogue tradition. 22 Dated 515, Sengyou's Chu sanzang jijilists twenty-three of these sutras under "translator unknown,

" and in 597 the Lidai sanbao ji,

as it so often does, provides spurious attributions for some of them. The fact is that until Mizuno's research it was not noticed that the twenty-four sutras belonged together. With the help of computational stylistic analysis, it has recently been possible to corroborate Mizuno's assumption that the twentyfour sutras do indeed belong to one distinct group and were therefore translated by the same person(s).

23 The second part of Mizuno's argument, however,

that the group of twenty-four is a remainder of the first translation by Dharmanandin and Zhu Fonian, remains a hypothesis. As Mizuno has shown in "Kanyaku no Chūagonkyō to Zōichiagonkyō, "

Bukkyōkenkyū,vol. 18, pp. 7-9, at least one of the five Madhyamāgamaquotations in the Jinglü yixiang(T. 2121, completed in 516) was taken from the group of twenty-four individual sutras. This and the other four quotations not only fail to accord with the corresponding passages in T. 26; the juan references given for the passages are also clearly not those of T. 26. This means that the Zhong ahan jingreferenced in the Jinglü yixiangwas not T. 26, and Mizuno assumes that the other four quotations from a Zhong ahan jing xxi

Introduction

stem from the now lost part of the first translation of which he believes the group of twenty-four to be remnants.

However, there are reasons to doubt this.

24 There remains the problem

that Sengyou in 515 still lists both translations of T. 26 as extant, 25 while the

individual sutras of the group of twenty-four are listed in the chapter on "miscellaneous sutras by unknown translators" (T.55.2145:21b17). Moreover, in the case of the one passage that can be shown to stem from a sutra of the group of twenty-four (T. 79), the reference does not simply say "Zhong ahan jing

"but mentions the text, Yingwujing,by name. This is similar to another Madhya māgamareference in the Jinglü yixiang,where both a "Zhong ahan "

and a single sutra are mentioned.

26There the Jinglü yixiangquotes or excerpts

from a sutra cited as Pimoshi Mulianjing.In the group of twenty-four this corresponds to the Mo raoluan jing(T. 66), and if Mizuno's thesis is correct and the Madhyamāgamareferences in the Jinglü yixiangare based on the group of twenty-four, it seems that this passage in the Jinglü yixiang too should be based on T. 66. However, none of the key terms of the Jinglü yixiangpassage appear in the considerably longer T. 66. Considering that the narratives of the Yingwu jingand the Mo raoluan jingwere rather popular and are attested in several versions, it seems very possible that the Jinglü yixiangdrew on individual translations (e.g., T. 79 from the group of twentyfour) as well as referencing the first translation of the Madhyamāgama.It does not necessarily follow, therefore, that the group of twenty-four is a remnant of the first translation. In any case, the Zhong ahan jingtranslated by Dharmanandin and Zhu Fonian was still available to Sengyou in 515 and to Baochang, the main author of the Jinglü yixiang,in 516. The first catalogue in which it is recorded as lost is Yanzong's Zhongjing muluof 602.

The Second Translation by Saṅghadeva and His Team

After war and turmoil had dispersed the group of Buddhist translators working at Chang'an in 385, some of them regrouped in Nanjing. There they were sponsored by Wang Xun (350- 401), the eminent calligrapher and Marquis of Dongting, who had established a vihārafor the study and translation of Buddhist texts. It was here that the Madhyamāgamawas turned into the Zhong ahan jingthat we know today as T. 26.

xxii

Introduction

Both the account given in the Gaoseng zhuanand the high level of consistency in T. 26 indicate that on this occasion the translation was done from a manuscript. According to Daoci's preface, the project was again a team effort, with two Indian monks and three Chinese Buddhists working closely together. Saṅgharakṣa ascertained the Indian text from a manuscript and read it out; Saṅghadeva translated it orally into Chinese; Daoci set it down and probably decided on the final Chinese wording; and Li Bao and Tang Hua28 made final copies and took care of the resulting manuscript. 29 The team

worked on the task for only seven months, between December 15, 397 and July 24, 398, and the translation was nearly completed when their work was again interrupted by war. It was not until three years later, in 401, that a final version could be produced, containing the two hundred and twenty-two sutras in sixty fascicles. The swift pace of the translation work of these early masters puts us to shame; it has taken our team five years to complete only the first third of an English version of their translation, which was completed in less than a year's time.

Why was it decided to retranslate the text? Saṅghadeva and most other members of the vihāraat Nanjing would have known Dharmanandin and Zhu Fonian personally. Saṅghadeva and Dharmanandin had worked together in Chang'an as part of a translation team led by Saṅghabhūti in the same year that Dharmanandin and Zhu Fonian translated the Madhyamāgamafor the first time (384).

30It seems, however, that the translation by Dharmanandin and Zhu Fonian was not considered successful by the Nanjing team. According to Daoci, the first translation was "

. . . not true to the original, losing its meaning. The names were not correctly realized, it was unclear and too lyrical, while the expressions lacked taste.

"31 This was because "the Chinese of the

translators was not yet good enough.

" This is surprising, considering the

involvement of Zhu Fonian, who was widely praised as an able translator. 32

School Attribution of the Zhong ahan jing (T. 26)

Concerning the attribution of the Zhong ahan jingto one of the early Buddhist schools, there is a broad and long-standing consensus that the text is part of early Sarvāstivādin literature. The monk Hōdō (1740-1770) was the first commentator to analyze the Āgama citations found in the Abhi dharmakośaand with their help attempt to attribute the Āgamas to the various xxiii

Introduction

schools. In his commentary on the Kośahe writes: "The Zhong ahan jing and the Za ahan jing both belong to the Sarvāstivādin school. "

(SAT/T.64.2252:440c). Hōdō was not always correct in his assessments, 33

but in this case later scholars have generally concurred with this statement. Evidence discussed by Shōkū Bando ("Kanyakuzōagon-gyōkō, " Journal of

Indian and Buddhist Studies30/2 [1982]: 856) and Fumio Enomoto ("On the Formation of the Original Texts of the Chinese Āgamas, " Buddhist Studies

Review3/1 [1986]: 21) indicates that the source text for T. 26 belonged to the Kashmiri Sarvāstivādin tradition. This conclusion is strengthened by the fact that Saṅgharakṣa, who provided the Indic text used for the second translation, was said to be from Kashmir. 34 Mizuno ("Kanyaku no Chūagonkyō

to Zōichiagonkyō,

" p. 6) also considers both Chinese Madhyamāgamatranslations to be Sarvāstivādin texts. In A Survey of Sanskrit Fragments Corresponding to the Chinese Madhyamāgama,Chung and Fukita discuss the attribution of T. 26 in great detail. They cautiously conclude that, however likely, the current consensus is not yet proven and in the absence of a clear understanding of the exact relationship between the various scriptures within the Sarvāstivādin corpus, much remains to be done. 35

Textual History of the Zhong ahan jing (T. 26)

After the first translation went missing in the sixth century, the second translation became the Madhyamāgamatranslation that was included in the Chinese canonical editions. The transmission history of this textus receptus is comparatively uncomplicated. Unlike the longer Chinese Saṃyuktāgama (T. 99), the original order of which became confused soon after its translation, 36

or the shorter Chinese Saṃyuktāgama(T. 100), of which two differently ordered versions exist (Roderick S. Bucknell,

"The Two Versions of the Other

Translation ofSaṃyuktāgama,

" Chung-Hwa Journal of Buddhist Studies21

[2008]: 23-54), T. 26 retained its structure during the six hundred years of its transmission in manuscript form. The text is still in the form that Daoci describes in his foreword: sixty fascicles containing two hundred and twentytwo sutras grouped into eighteen divisions (Ch. pin,Pāli vagga), which again are grouped into five recitations.

At least since the eleventh century a character count was included in the colophon for each sutra.

37 Sampling the figures and comparing them with

character counts done on the Taishō text shows that the average discrepancy xxiv

Introduction

is less than 0.001 percent. This indicates that the text has changed only minimally through the last thousand years, as is to be expected given that the Taishō text is to a large degree identical with that of the second edition of the Tripiṭaka Koreana (carved 1236 to 1251).

For the Zhong ahan jing,the earliest manuscript witnesses are fragments preserved among the Dunhuang manuscripts stemming from the sixth to tenth centuries. These fragments, which are of varying length, rarely contain more than a few lines of text. The oldest complete witness of the Zhong ahan jingcurrently available is the Fangshan stone inscription. 38 Carved from 1153

to 1155, it is more than a hundred years earlier than the first complete printed versions preserved in the second edition of the Tripiṭaka Koreana and the Qisha Edition (1216-1322).

39 The Tripiṭaka Koreana became the basis for

the Taishō edition (published 1924-1932), which added punctuation and a rudimentary apparatus that collates the text with later Chinese editions and, for some texts, with early manuscripts preserved in Japan. The text translated here is the Zhong ahan jingof the Taishō edition, as presented in CBETA versions 2007 and 2009, where the Zhong ahan jingis shown with new punctuation provided by Yang Yuwen. The CBETA edition also transparently corrects printing mistakes in the Taishō and adds to the apparatus by referencing the form found in the second edition of the Tripiṭaka Koreana in cases where the Taishō editors have silently emended the text. Like the fourth-century Chinese translation of the Madhyamāgama,this English translation was produced by a team. I have elsewhere explained in detail the process and rationale of this translation project ("Problems and Prospects of Collaborative Edition and Translation Projects in the Era of Digital Text,

" in Konrad Meisig, ed., Translating Buddhist Chinese: Problems and Prospects[Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2010], pp. 21-43). This is the first of three volumes projected for the translation of the entire text, and it contains the translation of divisions 1-6, sutras 1-71. The first draft translations were done by Bhikkhu Anālayo (division 1), Kin-Tung Yit (division 2), William Chu (division 3), Teng Weijen (division 4), Marcus Bingenheimer (division 5), Shi Chunyin (division 6, fascicles 11-13) and Kuan Tse-fu (division 6, fascicles 14-16).

All of the translations, including the footnotes, were thoroughly revised and edited by Bhikkhu Anālayo, Roderick Bucknell, and myself. The wording xxv

Introduction

of the draft translations was often changed substantially and I accept responsibility for any remaining mistakes. In our translation we have tried, in general, to follow the terminology and idiom that Bhikkhu Bodhi established in his translations of the Majjhima nikāya,The Middle Length Discourses of the Buddha—A Translation of the Majjhima Nikaya(Boston: Wisdom Publications, 1995) and the Saṃyutta nikāya, The Connected Discourses of the Buddha—A Translation of the Saṃyutta Nikāya(Boston: Wisdom Publications, 2000). The final volume of our translation will include a comprehensive glossary that documents our choices. Conformity with a limited glossary of the most frequent terms was ensured by using the TransHelp program written by Jen-jou Hung. 40 This

measure helped to achieve a degree of conformity at the level of terminology. There remain, however, differences in syntax and style, from division to division, a reminder of the collaborative nature of the project. We follow Bhikkhu Bodhi in the belief that readers of the Āgamas will probably also be interested in the Nikāyas; we would like the texts to be easily comparable. For the same reason, we chose to give personal and place names in Pāli, not in Sanskrit. Considering that the Indian base text was written in a Prakrit, Sanskrit versions of these names too would have been somewhat different from the original. Most of the Indic terms included in the Shorter Oxford English Dictionary(e.g. Dharma, karma, or nirvana) have been used as English terms in the translation (without diacritics, in normal font, and taking the plural "s").

Considering that this is the first translation of this text, we have faithfully reproduced all repetitions, i.e., no new elisions have been introduced. Elisions found in the Zhong ahan jinghave, of course, been preserved as such. We have omitted the character counts at the end of each sutra. These were added at some point before 1029 C.E., when the first Tripiṭaka Koreana was printed, to help preserve the Chinese text and it would have been meaningless and potentially confusing to include them in the English translation. Apart from the occasional double vocative, we have tried to translate every single term, even where words could—and perhaps for stylistic reasons should—have been omitted. In general we favored literalness over style, in the belief that the task of a first translation is to model the wording and syntactic structures of the original as closely as possible. Obviously, there is xxvi

Introduction

plenty of room for stylistic improvement in future English versions of these sutras. Interpolations to the text made by the translators generally appear in brackets. In the interest of minimizing endnotes, we have often abstained from making additional relevant comments that scholars might have appreciated. Work on this volume started in 2006, roughly sixteen hundred years after the translation of the Madhyamāgamainto Chinese, and was completed in 2009. Work on Volume II (divisions 7-12) and Volume III (divisions 13-18) has begun and will continue until the successful completion of the project. Venerable Anālayo has kindly agreed to take over as general editor for the successive volumes, freeing myself for a number of other projects that need my attention.

I am grateful to all those who have helped to bring this project to this stage. Ken Tanaka, Brian Nagata, and Yoshiyasu Yonezawa from BDK kindly answered many questions, and Marianne Dresser took good care of the copyediting and production. Venerable Huimin provided crucial support at several stages of the project. Jan Nattier and Jin-il Chung helped with bibliographic advice and made suggestions for the introduction. Yun-hee Oh provided me with information about the earliest print witness of the Zhong ahan jing.Jenjou Hung wrote the TransHelp program that helped us ensure a degree of consistency. Hans-Ludwig Dürner read through parts of the final draft. I am especially grateful to my fellow editors and friends Venerable Anālayo and Roderick Bucknell; without them "what was to be done, could not have been done. "

On behalf of all the translators and editors, I express the hope that this translation may contribute to the continuation and growth of the Buddhist tradition and the happiness of all sentient beings.

xxvii

Introduction

Abbreviations

AN Aṅguttaranikāya.R. Morris, A. K. Warder, E. Hardy, eds., with M. Hunt and C. A. F. Rhys Davids (index), The Aṅguttara Nikāya,6 vols. (London: Luzac, 1885-1910). Various reprints. Ch. Chinese

DN Dīghanikāya.T. W. Rhys Davids and E. Carpenter, eds., The Dīgha Nikāya,3 vols. (London: Pāli Text Society, 1890-1911). Various reprints.

HDCHanyudacidian(Large Dictionary of Chinese), Luo Zhufeng, ed., 12 vols. (Shanghai: Hanyudacidianchubanshe, 1994). MN Majjhimanikāya.V. Trenckner, ed., with C. A. F. Rhys Davids (index), The Majjhima Nikāya (London: Luzac, 1888-1925). Various reprints. MW Monier Monier-Williams. A Sanskrit-English Dictionary: Etymologically and Philologically Arranged with Special Reference to Cognate Indo-European Languages(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1899). PED Pāli-English Dictionary,T. W. Rhys Davids and William Stede, eds., 4 vols. (Oxford: Pāli Text Society, 1921-1925). Skt. Sanskrit

Sn Suttanipāta.D. Andersen and H. Smith, eds., Sutta-Nipāta(London: Pali Text Society, 1913).

SN Saṃyuttanikāya.L. Feer, ed., with C. A. F. Rhys Davids (index), The Saṃyutta Nikāya(London: Luzac, 1884-1904). Various reprints. T. Taishō Edition of the Chinese Canon and CBETA edition of the Taishō canon (CD Version 2009).

xxviii

THE MADHYAMA ĀGAMA (MIDDLE-LENGTH DISCOURSES) VOLUME I

Division 1

421a8

On Sets of Seven

1. The Discourse on Wholesome

Qualities41

Thus have I heard: At one time, the Buddha was staying at Sāvatthī, in Jeta's Grove, Anāthapiṇḍika's Park.

At that time the World-honored One addressed the monks: If a monk achieves seven qualities, then he will attain joy and happiness in [the path of] the noble ones and will progress rightly toward the cessation of the taints. What are the seven? They are: a monk knows the Dharma, knows the meaning, knows the proper time, knows restraint, knows himself, knows assemblies, and knows persons according to their superiority. How does a monk know the Dharma? A monk knows the discourses, stanzas, expositions, verses, causes, inspired utterances, heroic tales, [what has been] "thus said,

" birth stories, answers to questions,

marvels, and explanations of meaning. This is a monk who knows the Dharma.

If a monk does not know the Dharma—that is to say, does not know the discourses, stanzas, expositions, verses, causes, inspired utterances, heroic tales, [what has been] "thus said, " birth stories, answers

to questions, marvels, and explanations of meaning—then such a monk is one who does not know the Dharma.

If, [however,] a monk knows the Dharma well—that is to say, knows the discourses, stanzas, expositions, verses, causes, inspired utterances, heroic tales, [what has been] "thus said, " birth stories,

answers to questions, marvels, and explanations of meaning—then such a monk is one who knows the Dharma well. How does a monk know the meaning? A monk knows the meaning of various explanations: "The meaning is this, the meaning is that. "

421b

This is a monk who knows the meaning.

If a monk does not know the meaning—that is to say, does not know the meaning of various explanations: "The meaning is this, the meaning is that"

—then such a monk is one who does not know the meaning.

If, [however,] a monk knows the meaning well—that is to say, knows the meaning of various explanations: "The meaning is this, the meaning is that"

—then such a monk is one who knows the meaning well. How does a monk know the proper time? A monk knows: "This is the time to develop the characteristic of settling, " "This is the time

to develop the characteristic of arousing, " "This is the time to develop

the characteristic of equanimity.

" This is a monk who knows the proper

time.

If a monk does not know the proper time—that is to say, he does not know: "This is the time to develop the characteristic of settling, "

"This is the time to develop the characteristic of arousing, " "This is

the time to develop the characteristic of equanimity" —then such a

monk is one who does not know the proper time. If, [however,] a monk knows well the proper time—that is to say, he knows: "This is the time to develop the characteristic of settling, "

"This is the time to develop the characteristic of arousing, " "This is

the time to develop the characteristic of equanimity" —then such a

monk knows well the proper time.

How does a monk know restraint? A monk knows restraint who, having discarded sloth and torpor, practices right attentiveness when drinking, eating, going, standing, sitting, lying down, speaking, keeping silent, defecating, or urinating. This is a monk who knows restraint. If a monk does not know restraint—that is to say, he does not know [how] to discard sloth and torpor and practice right attentiveness when drinking, eating, going, standing, sitting, lying down, speaking, keeping silent, defecating, or urinating—then such a monk is one who does not know restraint.

If, [however,] a monk knows restraint well—that is to say, he knows [how] to discard drowsiness and practice right attentiveness 4

Division 1

when drinking, eating, going, standing, sitting, lying down, speaking, keeping silent, defecating, or urinating—then such a monk is one who knows restraint well.

How does a monk know himself? A monk knows of himself: "I have such faith, such virtue, such learning, such generosity, such wisdom, such eloquence, such [knowledge of] the canonical texts, and such attainments.

" This is a monk who knows himself. If a monk does not know himself—that is to say, he does not know of himself: "I have such faith, such virtue, such learning, such generosity, such wisdom, such eloquence, such [knowledge of] the canonical texts, and such attainments" —then such a monk is one who does not know himself.

If, [however,] a monk knows himself well—that is to say, he knows of himself: "I have such faith, such virtue, such learning, such generosity, such wisdom, such eloquence, such [knowledge of] the canonical texts, and such attainments" —then such a monk is one who knows himself well.

How does a monk know assemblies? A monk knows: "This is an assembly of khattiyas,

"42 "This is an assembly of brahmins, " "This is

an assembly of householders, " "This is an assembly of renunciants"; "In that [type of] assembly I ought to walk like this, stand like this, sit like this, speak like this, keep silent like this. " This is a monk who

knows assemblies.

If a monk does not know assemblies—that is to say, he does not know: "This is an assembly of khattiyas, " "This is an assembly of brahmins, " "This is an assembly of householders, " "This is an assembly

of renunciants"; "In that [type of] assembly I ought to walk like this, stand like this, sit like this, speak like this, keep silent like this" — then

such a monk is one who does not know assemblies. If, [however,] a monk knows assemblies well—that is to say, he knows: "This is an assembly of khattiyas,

" "This is an assembly of brahmins, " "This is

one who knows assemblies well. 5

421c

How does a monk know persons according to their superiority? A monk knows that there are two types of persons: those who have faith and those who do not have faith. Those who have faith are superior; those who do not have faith are inferior.

Of persons who have faith there are again two types: those who frequently go to see monks and those who do not frequently go to see monks.

43 Those who frequently go to see monks are superior; those who do not frequently go to see monks are inferior. Of persons who frequently go to see monks there are again two types: those who pay their respects to monks and those who do not pay their respects to monks. Those who pay their respects to monks are superior; those who do not pay their respects to monks are inferior. Of persons who pay their respects to monks there are again two types: those who ask about the discourses and those who do not ask about the discourses. Those who ask about the discourses are superior; those who do not ask about the discourses are inferior. Of persons who ask about the discourses there are again two types: those who listen with concentration to a discourse and those who do not listen with concentration to a discourse. Those who listen with concentration to a discourse are superior; those who do not listen with concentration to a discourse are inferior.

Of persons who listen with concentration to a discourse there are again two types: those who retain the Dharma they have heard and those who do not retain the Dharma they have heard. Those who retain the Dharma they have heard are superior; those who do not retain the Dharma they have heard are inferior.

Of persons who retain the Dharma they have heard there are again two types: those who examine the meaning of the Dharma they have heard and those who do not examine the meaning of the Dharma they have heard. Those who examine the meaning of the Dharma they have heard are superior; those who do not examine the meaning of the Dharma they have heard are inferior.

Of persons who examine the meaning of the Dharma they have heard there are again two types: those who know the Dharma, know its meaning, progress in the Dharma, follow the Dharma, conform to 6

Division 1

the Dharma, and practice in accordance with the Dharma; and those who do not know the Dharma, do not know its meaning, do not progress in the Dharma, do not follow the Dharma, do not conform to the Dharma, and do not practice in accordance with the Dharma. Those who know the Dharma, know its meaning, progress in the Dharma, follow the Dharma, conform to the Dharma, and practice in accordance with the Dharma are superior. Those who do not know the Dharma, do not know its meaning, do not progress in the Dharma, do not follow the Dharma, do not conform to the Dharma, and do not practice in accordance with the Dharma are inferior.

Of persons who know the Dharma, know its meaning, progress in the Dharma, follow the Dharma, conform to the Dharma, and practice in accordance with the Dharma, there are again two types: there are those who benefit themselves and benefit others, who benefit many people, who have compassion for the world, seek advantage and benefit for gods and human beings, and seek their peace and happiness; and there are those who do not benefit themselves and do not benefit others, who do not benefit many people, who do not have compassion for the world, do not seek advantage and benefit for gods and human beings, and do not seek their peace and happiness. Those who benefit themselves and benefit others, who benefit many people, who have compassion for the world, seek advantage and benefit for gods and human beings, and seek their peace and happiness—this [type of] person is supreme among the [types of] person [mentioned above], the greatest, the highest, the best, the superior one, the most excellent one, the most sublime.

It is just as from a cow comes milk, from milk comes cream, from cream comes butter, from butter comes ghee, and from ghee comes cream of ghee; and among these cream of ghee is supreme, the greatest, the highest, the best, the superior one, the most excellent one, the most sublime.

In the same way, if persons benefit themselves and benefit others, benefit many people, have compassion for the world, seek advantage and benefit for gods and human beings, and seek their peace and happiness, then of the two [types of] person spoken of above, distinguished 7

422a

422b

above, and designated above, this one is supreme, the greatest, the highest, the best, the superior one, the most excellent, the most sublime. This is [how] a monk knows persons according to their superiority. This is what the Buddha said. Having heard the Buddha's words, the monks were delighted and remembered them well.

2. The Discourse on the

Coral Tree45

Thus have I heard: At one time the Buddha was staying at Sāvatthī, in Jeta's Grove, Anāthapiṇḍika's Park.

At that time the World-honored One addressed the monks: When the leaves of the coral tree of the thirty-three gods become withered, the thirty-three gods are happy and rejoice, [saying]: "The leaves of the coral tree will soon fall!" Again, when the leaves of the coral tree of the thirty-three gods have fallen, the thirty-three gods are happy and rejoice: "The [new] leaves of the coral tree will soon appear!" Again, when the [new] leaves of the coral tree of the thirty-three gods have appeared, the thirty-three gods are happy and rejoice: "The coral tree will soon grow buds!"46Again, when the coral tree of the thirtythree gods has grown buds, the thirty-three gods are happy and rejoice: "The [buds of the] coral tree will soon resemble a bird's beak!" Again, when the [buds of the] coral tree of the thirty-three gods resemble a bird's beak, the thirty-three gods are happy and rejoice: "The [buds of the] coral tree will soon open up and resemble bowls!" Again, [when the buds of] the coral tree of the thirty-three gods have opened up and resemble bowls, the thirty-three gods are happy and rejoice: "The coral tree will soon be in full bloom!" When the coral tree is in full bloom, the radiance it emits, the color it reflects, and the fragrance it emits spread a hundred leagues around. Then, for the four months of the summer season the thirty-three gods amuse themselves equipped with the five types of divine sense pleasure. This is [how] the thirty-three gods assemble and amuse themselves beneath their coral tree.

2. The Discourse on the Coral Tree

Division 1

It is just the same with the noble disciple. When thinking of leaving the household life, the noble disciple is reckoned as having withered leaves, like the withered leaves of the coral tree of the thirty-three gods. Again, the noble disciple shaves off [his] hair and beard, dons the yellow robe, and, out of faith, leaves the household life, becomes homeless, and practices the path. At this time the noble disciple is reckoned as one whose leaves have fallen, like the falling of the leaves of the coral tree of the thirty-three gods.

Again, the noble disciple, separated from desires, separated from evil and unwholesome states, with initial and sustained application of the mind, with joy and happiness born of separation, dwells having attained the first absorption. At this time the noble disciple is reckoned as one whose new leaves have appeared, like the appearing of the new leaves on the coral tree of the thirty-three gods.

Again, the noble disciple, through the calming of initial and sustained application of the mind, with inward stillness and mental onepointedness, without initial and sustained application of the mind, with joy and happiness born of concentration, dwells having attained the second absorption. At this time the noble disciple is reckoned to have grown buds, like the growing of the buds on the coral tree of the thirtythree gods. Again, the noble disciple, separated from joy and desire, dwelling in equanimity and not seeking anything, with right mindfulness and right attentiveness, experiencing pleasure with the body, dwells having attained the third absorption, which the noble ones speak of as noble equanimity and mindfulness, a happy abode.

47At this time the noble

disciple is reckoned to have grown [buds] resembling a bird's beak, like the [buds] resembling a bird's beak on the coral tree of the thirtythree gods. Again, the noble disciple, with the cessation of pleasure and pain, and with the earlier cessation of joy and displeasure, with neither-painnor-pleasure, equanimity, mindfulness, and purity, dwells having attained the fourth absorption. At this time the noble disciple is reckoned to have grown [buds] resembling bowls, like the [buds] resembling bowls on the coral tree of the thirty-three gods.

3. The Discourse with the Parable of the [Border] Town

422c

Again, the noble disciple destroys the taints, [attains] liberation of the mind, and liberation through wisdom, and in this very life, personally attains understanding and awakening, and dwells having personally realized. He knows as it really is: "Birth is ended, the holy life has been established, what was to be done has been done. There will not be another existence.

At this time the noble disciple is reckoned to be in full bloom, like the full blooming of the coral tree of the thirty-three gods. This monk is one whose taints are destroyed, an arahant. The thirty-three gods assemble in the Hall of the True Dharma and, sighing in admiration, praise him:

Venerable disciple So-and-so, from such-and-such a village or town, having shaved off [his] hair and beard, donned the yellow robe, and having left the household life out of faith to become a homeless one, having practiced the path, he has destroyed the taints.

He has [attained] liberation of the mind and liberation through wisdom, and in this very life [he has] personally attained understanding and awakening, and dwells having personally realized. He knows as it really is: "Birth is ended, the holy life has been established, what was to be done has been done. There will not be another existence.

This is [how] an arahant, with taints destroyed, joins the community [of liberated ones], like the assembling of the thirty-three gods beneath their coral tree.

This is what the Buddha said. Having heard the Buddha's words, the monks were delighted and remembered them well. 3. The Discourse with the Parable

of the [Border] Town48

Thus have I heard: At one time the Buddha was staying at Sāvatthī, in Jeta's Grove, Anāthapiṇḍika's Park.

At that time the World-honored One addressed the monks: 10

Division 1

If a king's border town is equipped with seven things and obtains easily and without difficulty an abundance of four types of supplies, then this king's [border] town will not be wiped out by outside enemies but only by internal self-destruction.

What are the seven things with which the king's [border] town is equipped? In the king's border town a watchtower has been constructed, built firmly in the earth, indestructible, to ensure peace within and to control outside enemies. This is the first thing with which the king's [border] town is equipped.

Again, for the king's border town a moat has been excavated, very deep and wide, well designed and reliable, to ensure peace within and to control outside enemies. This is the second thing with which the king's [border] town is equipped.

Again, the king's border town is surrounded by a road that is open and clear, level and wide, to ensure peace within and to control outside enemies. This is the third thing with which the king's [border] town is equipped.

Again, the king's border town has raised an army with the four divisions—elephant troops, cavalry, chariot troops, and infantry—to ensure peace within and to control outside enemies. This is the fourth thing with which the king's [border] town is equipped. Again, the king's border town has been provided with weapons— bows and arrows, swords and spears—to ensure peace within and to control outside enemies. This is the fifth thing with which the king's [border] town is equipped.

Again, in the king's border town a general has been appointed as gatekeeper, one who is sharp-witted and wise in making decisions, brave and resolute, of excellent counsel, who allows entry to the good and keeps out the bad, to ensure peace within and to control outside enemies. This is the sixth thing with which the king's [border] town is equipped.

Again, for the king's border town a high rampart has been constructed, extremely solid, plastered with mud and painted with whitewash, to ensure peace within and to control outside enemies. This is the seventh thing with which the king's [border] town is equipped. 11

423a

What are the four kinds of supplies that the king's [border] town obtains in abundance, easily and without difficulty? The king's border town has been provided with plentiful quantities of water, grass, and firewood, to ensure peace within and to control outside enemies. This is the first kind of supplies that the king's [border] town obtains in abundance, easily and without difficulty.

Again, the king's border town has harvested plenty of rice and stored up plenty of wheat, to ensure peace within and to control outside enemies. This is the second kind of supplies that the king's [border] town obtains in abundance, easily and without difficulty. Again, the king's border town has amassed plenty of grain and beans of various sorts, to ensure peace within and control outside enemies. This is the third kind of supplies that the king's [border] town obtains in abundance, easily and without difficulty. Again, the king's border town has stored up ghee, honey, sugarcane, sugar, fish, salt, and dried meat, is equipped with all of these, to ensure peace within and to control outside enemies. This is the fourth kind of supplies that the king's [border] town obtains in abundance, easily and without difficulty.

Such a king's [border] town, equipped with [these] seven things and having obtained easily and without difficulty an abundance of [these] four kinds of supplies, will not be wiped out by outside enemies but only by internal self-destruction.

In the same way, if a noble disciple gains seven wholesome qualities and attains four higher states of mind easily and without difficulty, then for this reason the noble disciple will be beyond the reach of King Māra, will not be influenced by evil and unwholesome states, will not be defiled by defilements, and will not be born again. How does a noble disciple gain seven wholesome qualities? A noble disciple gains firm faith that is deeply settled in the Tathāgata, faith with firm roots that cannot be influenced by non-Buddhist renunciants or brahmins, or by gods, Māras, Brahmās, or anyone else in the world. This is how the noble disciple gains the first wholesome quality. Again, the noble disciple has at all times a sense of shame. What is shameful he knows as shameful, [namely,] evil and unwholesome 12

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states, which pollute and defile, which have various evil consequences and create the root cause of birth and death. This is how the noble disciple gains the second wholesome quality. Again, the noble disciple continuously fears wrongdoing. What is wrong he knows as wrong, [namely,] evil and unwholesome states, which pollute and defile, which will have various evil consequences and create the root cause of birth and death. This is how the noble disciple gains the third wholesome quality. Again, the noble disciple continuously applies effort, cutting off what is evil and unwholesome and cultivating wholesome states. He constantly arouses his mind, is single-minded and steadfast regarding the roots of wholesomeness, without giving up his task. This is how the noble disciple gains the fourth wholesome quality. Again, the noble disciple studies widely and learns much, retaining and not forgetting it, accumulating broad learning of what is called the Dharma, which is good in the beginning, good in the middle, and good in the end, which has [proper] meaning and expression, is endowed with purity, and reveals the holy life. In this way he studies widely and learns much regarding all the teachings, familiarizing himself with them even a thousand times, considering and contemplating them with knowledge, vision, and profound penetration. This is how the noble disciple gains the fifth wholesome quality.

Again, the noble disciple continuously practices mindfulness, achieves right mindfulness, always recalling and not forgetting what was done or heard long ago. This is how the noble disciple gains the sixth wholesome quality.

Again, the noble disciple develops comprehension and wisdom, attains understanding concerning the rise and fall of phenomena, attains noble penetrative knowledge and discriminative understanding concerning the true cessation of suffering. This is how the noble disciple gains the seventh wholesome quality.

How does the noble disciple attain four higher states of mind, easily and without difficulty? Separated from desires, separated from evil and unwholesome states, with initial and sustained application of the mind, with joy and happiness born of separation, the noble disciple 13

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dwells having attained the first absorption. This is how the noble disciple attains the first higher state of mind, easily and without difficulty. Again, through the calming of initial and sustained application of the mind, with inward stillness and mental one-pointedness, without initial and sustained application of the mind, with joy and happiness born of concentration, the noble disciple dwells having attained the second absorption. This is how the noble disciple attains the second higher state of mind, easily and without difficulty. Again, separated from joy and desire, dwelling in equanimity and not seeking anything, with right mindfulness and right attentiveness, experiencing pleasure with the body, the noble disciple dwells having attained the third absorption, which the noble ones speak of as noble equanimity and mindfulness, a happy abode.

49 This is how the noble

disciple attains the third higher state of mind, easily and without difficulty. Again, with the cessation of pleasure and pain, and with the earlier cessation of joy and displeasure, with neither-pain-nor-pleasure, equanimity, mindfulness, and purity, the noble disciple dwells having attained the fourth absorption. This is how the noble disciple attains the fourth higher state of mind, easily and without difficulty. In this way the noble disciple, who has gained seven wholesome qualities and attained four higher states of mind, easily and without difficulty, is beyond the reach of King Māra, and will not be influenced by evil and unwholesome states, will not be defiled by defilements and will not be born again.

Just as a watchtower is constructed in the king's border town, built firmly in the earth, indestructible, to ensure peace within and to control outside enemies—in the same way, the noble disciple gains firm faith that is deeply settled in the Tathāgata, faith with firm roots that cannot be influenced by non-Buddhist renunciants or brahmins, or by gods, Māras, Brahmās, or anyone else in the world. This is how the noble disciple gains the "watchtower" of faith, which removes what is evil and unwholesome and develops wholesome states.

Just as a moat is excavated [around] the king's border town, very deep and wide, well designed and reliable, to ensure peace within and 14

Division 1

to control outside enemies; in the same way, the noble disciple has at all times a sense of shame. What is shameful he knows as shameful, [namely] evil and unwholesome states, which pollute and defile, which have various evil consequences, and create the root cause of birth and death. This is how the noble disciple gains the "moat" of a sense of shame, which removes what is evil and unwholesome and develops wholesome states.

Just as a road surrounds the king's border town, open and clear, level and wide, to ensure peace within and control outside enemies; in the same way, the noble disciple at all times fears wrongdoing. What is wrong he knows as wrong, [namely] evil and unwholesome states, which pollute and defile, which will have various evil consequences, which create the root cause of birth and death. This is how the noble disciple gains the "level road" of the fear of wrongdoing, which removes what is evil and unwholesome and develops wholesome states. Just as an army with four divisions is raised in the king's border town, with elephant troops, cavalry, chariot troops, and infantry, to ensure peace within and to control outside enemies; in the same way, the noble disciple continuously applies effort, abandoning what is evil and unwholesome and cultivating wholesome states. He constantly arouses his mind, is single-minded and steadfast regarding the roots of wholesomeness, without giving up his task. This is how the noble disciple gains the "army" of effort, which removes what is evil and unwholesome and develops wholesome states.

Just as weapons are provided for the troops of the king's border town—bows and arrows, swords and spears—to ensure peace within and control outside enemies; in the same way the noble disciple studies widely and learns much, retaining and not forgetting it, accumulating broad learning of what is called the Dharma, which is good in the beginning, good in the middle, and good in the end, which has [proper] meaning and expression, is endowed with purity, and reveals the holy life. In this way he studies widely and learns much regarding all the teachings, familiarizing himself with them even a thousand times, mentally considering and contemplating them with knowledge, vision, and profound penetration. This is how the noble disciple gains the "weapon" 15

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Nguồn: BDK America — English Tripiṭaka (bdkamerica.org).

The Madhyama Āgama (Middle-Length Discourses) Volume I